Difference between revisions of "Digital Feminism in China"
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The MeToo movement originated in the United States when the hashtag ''#MeToo'' went viral on social media platforms like Twitter. The term was first coined by activist Tarana Burke, but had a resurgence in 2017 after multiple accusations of sexual assault against Hollywood Producer Harvey Weinstein were made public. This resulted in a multitude of predominantly female celebrities coming forward with their own experiences of sexual abuse, particularly after actress Alyssa Milano asked people to come forward with their own stories <ref name = "first">Rodino-Colocino, M. (2018). Me too, #MeToo: Countering cruelty with empathy. Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies, 15(1), 96–100. https://doi.org/10.1080/14791420.2018.1435083 </ref>. Despite its origins within an American digisphere, the movement began gaining traction across the world. | The MeToo movement originated in the United States when the hashtag ''#MeToo'' went viral on social media platforms like Twitter. The term was first coined by activist Tarana Burke, but had a resurgence in 2017 after multiple accusations of sexual assault against Hollywood Producer Harvey Weinstein were made public. This resulted in a multitude of predominantly female celebrities coming forward with their own experiences of sexual abuse, particularly after actress Alyssa Milano asked people to come forward with their own stories <ref name = "first">Rodino-Colocino, M. (2018). Me too, #MeToo: Countering cruelty with empathy. Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies, 15(1), 96–100. https://doi.org/10.1080/14791420.2018.1435083 </ref>. Despite its origins within an American digisphere, the movement began gaining traction across the world. | ||
| − | After the subsequent rise of the #MeToo movement in the United States, social media platforms such as Weibo and WeChat became the digital grounds for feminist discourse. This movement first gained traction in universities, and later, its effects were felt across Chinese society <ref name = "second"> Lin, Z., & Yang, L. (2019). Individual and collective empowerment: Women's voices in the #MeToo movement in China. Asian Journal of Women's Studies, 25(1), 117–131. https://doi.org/10.1080/12259276.2019.1573002 </ref>. The hashtag #MeToo, or #WoYeShi, was adopted by Chinese citizens to talk about stories of sexual assault, and among these were several high-profile cases involving prominent individuals. Despite China’s strict internet firewall and removal of the hashtag from social media sites shortly after, activists had utilized the hashtag #米兔 (rice bunny) or emoticons of a bowl of rice and a rabbit, which sounds like the phrase ‘me too’ phonetically in order to circumvent online censorship <ref name = third> | + | After the subsequent rise of the #MeToo movement in the United States, social media platforms such as Weibo and WeChat became the digital grounds for feminist discourse. This movement first gained traction in universities, and later, its effects were felt across Chinese society <ref name = "second"> Lin, Z., & Yang, L. (2019). Individual and collective empowerment: Women's voices in the #MeToo movement in China. Asian Journal of Women's Studies, 25(1), 117–131. https://doi.org/10.1080/12259276.2019.1573002 </ref>. The hashtag #MeToo, or #WoYeShi, was adopted by Chinese citizens to talk about stories of sexual assault, and among these were several high-profile cases involving prominent individuals. Despite China’s strict internet firewall and removal of the hashtag from social media sites shortly after, activists had utilized the hashtag #米兔 (rice bunny) or emoticons of a bowl of rice and a rabbit, which sounds like the phrase ‘me too’ phonetically in order to circumvent online censorship <ref name = "third"> Yin, S., & Sun, Y. (2020). Intersectional digital feminism: Assessing the participation politics and impact of the MeToo movement in China. Feminist Media Studies, 21(7), 1176–1192. https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2020.1837908 </ref>. Other strategies to circumvent censorship included camouflaging text and images and restoring deleted content (fourth placeholder). The use of social media popularized this movement, akin to similar movements like the Arab Springs, The Occupy Movement, and #BlackLivesMatter (fourth placeholder). |
| − | The widespread use of digital technologies in the 1990s led to a surge in the democratization of online communication, although subsequent actions by the Chinese government quickly seized control over online interactions <ref name = “fifth”> Chen, C., & Wang, X. (2020). #Metoo in China: Affordances and constraints of social media platforms. Platforms, Protests, and the Challenge of Networked Democracy, 253–269. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36525-7_14 </ref>. The Information Office of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China stated that “citizens’ freedom and privacy of correspondence is protected by law, which stipulates at the same time that while exercising such freedom and rights, citizens are not allowed to infringe upon state, social and collective interests or the legitimate freedom and rights of other citizens. No organization or individual may utilize telecommunication networks to engage in activities that jeopardize state security, the public interest or the legitimate rights and interests of other people.”, effectively allowing the state to govern the digital interactions between its millions of users <ref name = “fifth”></ref> < | + | The widespread use of digital technologies in the 1990s led to a surge in the democratization of online communication, although subsequent actions by the Chinese government quickly seized control over online interactions <ref name = “fifth”> Chen, C., & Wang, X. (2020). #Metoo in China: Affordances and constraints of social media platforms. Platforms, Protests, and the Challenge of Networked Democracy, 253–269. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36525-7_14 </ref>. The Information Office of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China stated that “citizens’ freedom and privacy of correspondence is protected by law, which stipulates at the same time that while exercising such freedom and rights, citizens are not allowed to infringe upon state, social and collective interests or the legitimate freedom and rights of other citizens. No organization or individual may utilize telecommunication networks to engage in activities that jeopardize state security, the public interest or the legitimate rights and interests of other people.”, effectively allowing the state to govern the digital interactions between its millions of users <ref name = “fifth”> Chen, C., & Wang, X. (2020). #Metoo in China: Affordances and constraints of social media platforms. Platforms, Protests, and the Challenge of Networked Democracy, 253–269. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36525-7_14 </ref> <ref> 容贤东. (n.d.). Full text: White Paper on the internet in China. Full Text: White paper on the Internet in China[1]- Chinadaily.com.cn. Retrieved February 11, 2022, from http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2010-06/08/content_9950198.htm </ref>. |
| − | This led to activists creating new ways in order to circumvent government detection online <ref name = “fifth”></ref>. Information communication technologies (ICTs) have played an important role in disseminating individual accounts of sexual harassment and abuse. Women in particular as a result have used the popularity of digital platforms in order to express their support or share their own stories <ref name = | + | This led to activists creating new ways in order to circumvent government detection online <ref name = “fifth”> Chen, C., & Wang, X. (2020). #Metoo in China: Affordances and constraints of social media platforms. Platforms, Protests, and the Challenge of Networked Democracy, 253–269. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36525-7_14 </ref>. Information communication technologies (ICTs) have played an important role in disseminating individual accounts of sexual harassment and abuse. Women in particular as a result have used the popularity of digital platforms in order to express their support or share their own stories <ref name = "second"> Lin, Z., & Yang, L. (2019). Individual and collective empowerment: Women's voices in the #MeToo movement in China. Asian Journal of Women's Studies, 25(1), 117–131. https://doi.org/10.1080/12259276.2019.1573002 </ref>. Activists and citizens alike have used the popularity of social media platforms like Weibo in order to explore feminist ideas despite China’s heavy censorship over its internet content. In addition to social media platforms, blogs and articles were subsequently written questioning the patriarchal values of Chinese society. In one instance, Professor Chang Jiang of Tsinghua University collected and anonymously shared stories of women and young girls and their experiences with sexual assault. His use of the hashtag #I will be your voice began making the rounds online along #metoo and #米兔. |
| − | Weibo and WeChat, two of China’s most popular social media platforms, have become the center ground for feminist discourse in China. While Weibo offers greater anonymity and is curated by hashtags, Lu criticizes that the online #metoo movement is too ‘flat’, and that activism must reach a certain level of education for the general public around feminist discourse <ref name = “fifth”></ref>. WeChat in particular allows its users to create group chats which “allow more intimate group communications and collaborative work”, resulting in its more effective use in pushing online engagement into offline measures. | + | Weibo and WeChat, two of China’s most popular social media platforms, have become the center ground for feminist discourse in China. While Weibo offers greater anonymity and is curated by hashtags, Lu criticizes that the online #metoo movement is too ‘flat’, and that activism must reach a certain level of education for the general public around feminist discourse <ref name = “fifth”> Chen, C., & Wang, X. (2020). #Metoo in China: Affordances and constraints of social media platforms. Platforms, Protests, and the Challenge of Networked Democracy, 253–269. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36525-7_14 </ref>. WeChat in particular allows its users to create group chats which “allow more intimate group communications and collaborative work”, resulting in its more effective use in pushing online engagement into offline measures. |
==Prominent Cases== | ==Prominent Cases== | ||
| − | There exist multiple prominent cases in which ICTs have been used to facilitate feminist activism in the digisphere in China, many of which were against public figures. On January 2018, a young woman by the name of Luo Qianqian published on social media platform Weibo about Chen Xiaowu, a professor at Beihang University, and his alleged sexual harassment against her back in 2006 when she was a doctoral student <ref name = | + | There exist multiple prominent cases in which ICTs have been used to facilitate feminist activism in the digisphere in China, many of which were against public figures. On January 2018, a young woman by the name of Luo Qianqian published on social media platform Weibo about Chen Xiaowu, a professor at Beihang University, and his alleged sexual harassment against her back in 2006 when she was a doctoral student <ref name = "third"> Yin, S., & Sun, Y. (2020). Intersectional digital feminism: Assessing the participation politics and impact of the MeToo movement in China. Feminist Media Studies, 21(7), 1176–1192. https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2020.1837908 </ref>. The post gained approximately three million hits online. This resulted in other subsequent victims coming forth with anonymous complaints about similar experiences involving Chen, many of which were all reported to the university by Luo <ref name = "cool"> Fan, J., & Collins, L. (2018, February 1). China's #MeToo moment. The New Yorker. Retrieved February 11, 2022, from https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/chinas-me-too-moment </ref> . This led to the eventual resignation of Chen after widespread attention and significant backlash. This particular incident was seen as the beginning of the #metoo movement, although feminist activist Lu Pin believes this the movement to have come in waves (eighth placeholder). |
| − | As the movement spread outside of universities and into the mainstream. One prominent case in 2018 involved an intern by the name of Zhou Xiaoxuan, nicknamed Xianzi, accusing Jun Zhu, a journalist at China Central Television (CCTV) of molesting her in a dressing room. Xianzi stated that although she had reported this encounter with the police, the case did not result in any arrests or charges. The subsequent rise of the MeToo movement in China in 2018 influenced her decision to have authorities reopen the case, which resulted in a court hearing against the accused on December 2, 2020. This case has since been dismissed due to lack of evidence | + | As the movement spread outside of universities and into the mainstream. One prominent case in 2018 involved an intern by the name of Zhou Xiaoxuan, nicknamed Xianzi, accusing Jun Zhu, a journalist at China Central Television (CCTV) of molesting her in a dressing room. Xianzi stated that although she had reported this encounter with the police, the case did not result in any arrests or charges. The subsequent rise of the MeToo movement in China in 2018 influenced her decision to have authorities reopen the case, which resulted in a court hearing against the accused on December 2, 2020. This case has since been dismissed due to lack of evidence (ninth placeholder). |
| − | A 1998 case involved a student, Gao Yan, accusing her professor, Shen Yang, of rape. She had committed suicide shortly after. The popularity of the #MeToo movement influenced Gao’s friends to post remembrances online. In 2018, Yue Xin, a female student at Peking University in Beijing where Gao had attended, shared a letter online talking about the university’s alleged warning towards her about this case led to the censorship of her letter and name off of social media in China, although some students continued sharing the letter through Bitcoin transactions to evade online censors <ref name = | + | A 1998 case involved a student, Gao Yan, accusing her professor, Shen Yang, of rape. She had committed suicide shortly after. The popularity of the #MeToo movement influenced Gao’s friends to post remembrances online. In 2018, Yue Xin, a female student at Peking University in Beijing where Gao had attended, shared a letter online talking about the university’s alleged warning towards her about this case led to the censorship of her letter and name off of social media in China, although some students continued sharing the letter through Bitcoin transactions to evade online censors (tenth placeholder). |
| + | |||
| + | Another case involved a Sun Yat-sen University professor by the name of Zhang Peng after four students and a fellow professor made complaints against his behavior to the administration. This led to an investigation that later stripped Zhang of his teaching role and awards (https://journals.library.cornell.edu/index.php/tcd/article/view/581/577). In a separate incident, a number of nuns had accused Xue Cheng, Longquan Monastery abbot, of harassment at a Buddhist learning center in Beijing <ref name = "second"> Lin, Z., & Yang, L. (2019). Individual and collective empowerment: Women's voices in the #MeToo movement in China. Asian Journal of Women's Studies, 25(1), 117–131. https://doi.org/10.1080/12259276.2019.1573002 </ref>. | ||
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==Reactions== | ==Reactions== | ||
===Legislative Response=== | ===Legislative Response=== | ||
| − | In November of 2018, the Ministry of Education put down regulations over teachers’ behaviors prohibiting any type of inappropriate relationship with students. On August 27, 2018, the National People’s Congress submitted a proposal that would allow victims to bear civil liability and pressure employers into reporting and stopping any type of sexual harassment in the workplace. Although state reaction seemed to have supported anti-harassment, they were hindered by Chinese censors online <ref name = | + | In November of 2018, the Ministry of Education put down regulations over teachers’ behaviors prohibiting any type of inappropriate relationship with students. On August 27, 2018, the National People’s Congress submitted a proposal that would allow victims to bear civil liability and pressure employers into reporting and stopping any type of sexual harassment in the workplace. Although state reaction seemed to have supported anti-harassment, they were hindered by Chinese censors online <ref name = "third"> Yin, S., & Sun, Y. (2020). Intersectional digital feminism: Assessing the participation politics and impact of the MeToo movement in China. Feminist Media Studies, 21(7), 1176–1192. https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2020.1837908 </ref>. |
===International Reactions=== | ===International Reactions=== | ||
| Line 40: | Line 40: | ||
==Ethical Concerns== | ==Ethical Concerns== | ||
===Government Censorship=== | ===Government Censorship=== | ||
| − | According to Merriam-Webster, censorship is described as the institution, system or practice of censoring, often to suppress or delete particular kinds of content | + | According to Merriam-Webster, censorship is described as the institution, system or practice of censoring, often to suppress or delete particular kinds of content (eleventh placeholder). There have been growing concerns over China’s state censorship on internet culture. The country’s restrictions on what is said online does not allow for collective action, and its effects in decreasing mobilization efforts; these censors particularly block anything that could potentially solicit social unrest <ref> Xu, B. (2014, September 25). Media Censorship in China. Retrieved February 11, 2022, from https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/177388/Media%20Censorship%20in%20China.pdf </ref> . Government response towards growing backlash towards high-ranking figures who were accused of sexual harassment was swift. #MeToo posts on these platforms were oftentimes deleted immediately after being posted online, with authorities warning citizens “Do not report on the relevant petition incidents” due to fears of the movement disrupting Chinese society (thirteenth placeholder). Fincher states that the #MeToo movement and subsequent digital activism represented collective action and had the potential to undermine social stability in China <ref name = “cool” />. In one instance, a female university student told researchers Lin and Yang that after making an accusation of harassment against a professor, “university officials called me in for a very serious conversation where they said I might be collaborating with some anti-government foreign power…” <ref name = "second"> Lin, Z., & Yang, L. (2019). Individual and collective empowerment: Women's voices in the #MeToo movement in China. Asian Journal of Women's Studies, 25(1), 117–131. https://doi.org/10.1080/12259276.2019.1573002 </ref>. |
| − | Chang Jiang’s Weibo account was suspended a month after his hashtag #Iwillbeyourvoice went viral. In March 2018, Feminist Voices’s, an independent and highly influential feminist media, SinaWeibo account was shut down. Both their Weibo and WeChat accounts, a total of 250,000 followers combined, were blocked on the platforms due to “violating the related state’s policy and laws” <ref name = "third"></ref>. Weibo in particular has strict rules over what netizens are allowed to express online. They can “censor, monitor, and tackle users’ behavior and information, including personal account information, tweeting content, and communicating with other users” | + | Chang Jiang’s Weibo account was suspended a month after his hashtag #Iwillbeyourvoice went viral. In March 2018, Feminist Voices’s, an independent and highly influential feminist media, SinaWeibo account was shut down. Both their Weibo and WeChat accounts, a total of 250,000 followers combined, were blocked on the platforms due to “violating the related state’s policy and laws” <ref name = "third"> Yin, S., & Sun, Y. (2020). Intersectional digital feminism: Assessing the participation politics and impact of the MeToo movement in China. Feminist Media Studies, 21(7), 1176–1192. https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2020.1837908 </ref>. Weibo in particular has strict rules over what netizens are allowed to express online. They can “censor, monitor, and tackle users’ behavior and information, including personal account information, tweeting content, and communicating with other users” (fourteenth placeholder). The site’s moderators have the power to edit, block, and delete content, as well as limit account activity, ban accounts, and report to authorities about user content they deem harmful. Xianzi’s account was later banned in May 2021 due to violating the rules of Weibo. The ability for users to report other users’ content also led to concerns over mass reporting victims online, resulting in the victim’s subsequent banning over these platforms (fourteenth placeholder). |
==Detainment and State Surveillance== | ==Detainment and State Surveillance== | ||
| − | There have existed cases in which feminist activism has led to the detainment of said activists. In March of 2015, a group of five women were detained for a total of 37 days after handing out stickers against sexual harassment in Beijing, Guangzhou, and Hangzhou. The arrest of the five women in question, which comprised of Li Maizi, Wei Tingting, Zheng Churan, Wu Rongrong, and Wang Man, had catapulted them into the media, and they were later dubbed the Feminist Five. Hashtags of #FreetheFive began spreading on social media internationally through Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook, leading to public outcry. Li, one of the Feminist Five, recounts her experience being interrogated while detained, including calling her a lesbian and whore, forced to scrub floors at night, and threatening her parents and her with longer jail sentences. On one occasion, Li states that a bright spotlight was shone onto her face which made it difficult to see and tear up. Although the women were later released on bail, Chinese authorities labeled them as criminal suspects for “gathering a crow to disturb public order”, a sentence which carries up to five years in jail | + | There have existed cases in which feminist activism has led to the detainment of said activists. In March of 2015, a group of five women were detained for a total of 37 days after handing out stickers against sexual harassment in Beijing, Guangzhou, and Hangzhou. The arrest of the five women in question, which comprised of Li Maizi, Wei Tingting, Zheng Churan, Wu Rongrong, and Wang Man, had catapulted them into the media, and they were later dubbed the Feminist Five. Hashtags of #FreetheFive began spreading on social media internationally through Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook, leading to public outcry. Li, one of the Feminist Five, recounts her experience being interrogated while detained, including calling her a lesbian and whore, forced to scrub floors at night, and threatening her parents and her with longer jail sentences. On one occasion, Li states that a bright spotlight was shone onto her face which made it difficult to see and tear up. Although the women were later released on bail, Chinese authorities labeled them as criminal suspects for “gathering a crow to disturb public order”, a sentence which carries up to five years in jail (fifteenth placeholder). Additionally, the group was under state surveillance (thirteenth placeholder). |
==Accessibility of Communication Technologies in Feminist Discourse== | ==Accessibility of Communication Technologies in Feminist Discourse== | ||
| − | Criticism against the use of social media to disseminate feminist ideas were largely driven by elite, middle-class people. Those who are underprivileged, such as working-class or rural women, are often left out of online feminist discourse. Despite the growing prevalence of digital technology, such as the widespread use of phones and/or computers, socioeconomic obstacles often become barriers for marginalized women to participate in such online discussion. Other constraints include heavy workloads, thus discouraging women even further, particularly those who must devote their time elsewhere<ref name = "third"></ref>. There are fears that this will undermine and alienate groups of women who do not have access to digital technologies, and thus cannot advocate for their wellbeing. | + | Criticism against the use of social media to disseminate feminist ideas were largely driven by elite, middle-class people. Those who are underprivileged, such as working-class or rural women, are often left out of online feminist discourse. Despite the growing prevalence of digital technology, such as the widespread use of phones and/or computers, socioeconomic obstacles often become barriers for marginalized women to participate in such online discussion. Other constraints include heavy workloads, thus discouraging women even further, particularly those who must devote their time elsewhere <ref name = "third"> Yin, S., & Sun, Y. (2020). Intersectional digital feminism: Assessing the participation politics and impact of the MeToo movement in China. Feminist Media Studies, 21(7), 1176–1192. https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2020.1837908 </ref>. There are fears that this will undermine and alienate groups of women who do not have access to digital technologies, and thus cannot advocate for their wellbeing. |
==Other Barriers Limiting Feminist Online Activism== | ==Other Barriers Limiting Feminist Online Activism== | ||
| − | Implicit barriers, such as linguistic and cultural obstacles, are said to also have an effect in limiting the spread and visibility of feminist discourse online. Khun Eng Kuah (a little about the person) states that “micro-power politics in the cyberspace often mirror and [reinforce] offline gender relations and the patriarchal social structure” | + | Implicit barriers, such as linguistic and cultural obstacles, are said to also have an effect in limiting the spread and visibility of feminist discourse online. Khun Eng Kuah (a little about the person) states that “micro-power politics in the cyberspace often mirror and [reinforce] offline gender relations and the patriarchal social structure” (sixteenth placeholder). Additionally, online bullying towards victims and supporters has also become a concern. Although anonymity allowed users to tell their stories without offline ramifications, the anonymity of social platforms did not prevent victim blaming or shaming amongst those who accused others. China’s patriarchal structure and gender inequality reflects in the digisphere as many accused victims of man-hating and dismissed feminist ideals. Xianzi’s reveal of her identity led to attacks against her looks, while those who remain anonymous were met with comments about their true motivations. Female netizens have stated they have experienced being flamed and abused by anti-feminists online, which some have stated led to deteriorating mental health (seventeenth placeholder). |
==Concerns Over the Accused== | ==Concerns Over the Accused== | ||
| − | The use of digital communications sparked hesitation and doubt amongst many netizens. For those who used their real names, many netizens questioned accusers of their motives against those they accused, and speculations of wanting to be famous or for revenge were spread by online users. Much of this is fueled by the rise of Internet celebrity culture and fan consumption | + | The use of digital communications sparked hesitation and doubt amongst many netizens. For those who used their real names, many netizens questioned accusers of their motives against those they accused, and speculations of wanting to be famous or for revenge were spread by online users. Much of this is fueled by the rise of Internet celebrity culture and fan consumption (fourteenth placeholder). In regards to Xianzi’s case against Zhu Jun, many questioned why she did not report the accusations at the time of the alleged assault <ref name = "third"> Yin, S., & Sun, Y. (2020). Intersectional digital feminism: Assessing the participation politics and impact of the MeToo movement in China. Feminist Media Studies, 21(7), 1176–1192. https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2020.1837908 </ref>. Sympathy for those accused were a growing sentiment online. One netizen wrote that “Xianzi said winning or losing is not important. She has won history and set an example. Even if Zhu Jun finally wins the lawsuit, he will probably not be able to back to the stage of CCTV, indeed regrettable.” (fourteenth placeholder). Another stated they “did not like Zhu’s hosting style in the past, but it is unfair to let him leave his job without trial of sexual harassment. His work hard to become a host of CCTV is counted as the experience of grassroots counterattack. I did not know the ins and outs of this matter after reading Liji’s article, and I felt normal people could not harass her in that kind of environment.” (fourteenth placeholder). Many of those accused of committing sexual harassment or abuse had sued those that accused them for the infringement of reputation rights. This includes Zhu Jun, who sued Xianzi for $95,000 for defamation and emotional distress, as well as her friend Xu Chao, who had reposted her essay on Weibo (ninth placeholder). Others have argued that the prominence of feminist discourse over cyberspace causes gender hostility (fourteenth). One study found that “digital feminist activism has brought about the increasing problem of misogyny online rather than social change” (fourteenth). |
==References== | ==References== | ||
| + | <references /> | ||
Revision as of 04:24, 11 February 2022
Digital media has shaped the way feminist activism is taking place both within and outside of China's digital sphere in recent years. The rise of digital feminism has grown in particular with the growing of the MeToo movement and increase use of the internet and social media platforms. These digital platforms have become the center ground for various feminist discourse. Despite the evolving digital environment that allows feminist ideas to thrive, there exists backlash and controversies in regards to its use and response, such as state censorship and inaccessibility.
Contents
Origins
Feminism in China
China is a predominantly patriarchal society brought upon by Confucianism and Feudalism, although gender relations have been evolving over the last few decades. To improve gender relations, various feminist movements came out of the New Cultural Movement and May Fourth Movement with many feminists had joined the Chinese Communist Party with hopes of pushing legislation to improve gender relations. When Mao Zedong, the founder of the People’s Republic of China, was in power, he famously stated that “women hold up half the sky” [1]. As China embraced the globalization of capitalism in the 1980s, there was a push for women to adhere to traditional notions of femininity and domesticity.
Rise of Digital Feminism in China
MeToo Movement and Role of Communication Technologies
The MeToo movement originated in the United States when the hashtag #MeToo went viral on social media platforms like Twitter. The term was first coined by activist Tarana Burke, but had a resurgence in 2017 after multiple accusations of sexual assault against Hollywood Producer Harvey Weinstein were made public. This resulted in a multitude of predominantly female celebrities coming forward with their own experiences of sexual abuse, particularly after actress Alyssa Milano asked people to come forward with their own stories [2]. Despite its origins within an American digisphere, the movement began gaining traction across the world.
After the subsequent rise of the #MeToo movement in the United States, social media platforms such as Weibo and WeChat became the digital grounds for feminist discourse. This movement first gained traction in universities, and later, its effects were felt across Chinese society [3]. The hashtag #MeToo, or #WoYeShi, was adopted by Chinese citizens to talk about stories of sexual assault, and among these were several high-profile cases involving prominent individuals. Despite China’s strict internet firewall and removal of the hashtag from social media sites shortly after, activists had utilized the hashtag #米兔 (rice bunny) or emoticons of a bowl of rice and a rabbit, which sounds like the phrase ‘me too’ phonetically in order to circumvent online censorship [1]. Other strategies to circumvent censorship included camouflaging text and images and restoring deleted content (fourth placeholder). The use of social media popularized this movement, akin to similar movements like the Arab Springs, The Occupy Movement, and #BlackLivesMatter (fourth placeholder).
The widespread use of digital technologies in the 1990s led to a surge in the democratization of online communication, although subsequent actions by the Chinese government quickly seized control over online interactions [4]. The Information Office of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China stated that “citizens’ freedom and privacy of correspondence is protected by law, which stipulates at the same time that while exercising such freedom and rights, citizens are not allowed to infringe upon state, social and collective interests or the legitimate freedom and rights of other citizens. No organization or individual may utilize telecommunication networks to engage in activities that jeopardize state security, the public interest or the legitimate rights and interests of other people.”, effectively allowing the state to govern the digital interactions between its millions of users [4] [5].
This led to activists creating new ways in order to circumvent government detection online [4]. Information communication technologies (ICTs) have played an important role in disseminating individual accounts of sexual harassment and abuse. Women in particular as a result have used the popularity of digital platforms in order to express their support or share their own stories [3]. Activists and citizens alike have used the popularity of social media platforms like Weibo in order to explore feminist ideas despite China’s heavy censorship over its internet content. In addition to social media platforms, blogs and articles were subsequently written questioning the patriarchal values of Chinese society. In one instance, Professor Chang Jiang of Tsinghua University collected and anonymously shared stories of women and young girls and their experiences with sexual assault. His use of the hashtag #I will be your voice began making the rounds online along #metoo and #米兔.
Weibo and WeChat, two of China’s most popular social media platforms, have become the center ground for feminist discourse in China. While Weibo offers greater anonymity and is curated by hashtags, Lu criticizes that the online #metoo movement is too ‘flat’, and that activism must reach a certain level of education for the general public around feminist discourse [4]. WeChat in particular allows its users to create group chats which “allow more intimate group communications and collaborative work”, resulting in its more effective use in pushing online engagement into offline measures.
Prominent Cases
There exist multiple prominent cases in which ICTs have been used to facilitate feminist activism in the digisphere in China, many of which were against public figures. On January 2018, a young woman by the name of Luo Qianqian published on social media platform Weibo about Chen Xiaowu, a professor at Beihang University, and his alleged sexual harassment against her back in 2006 when she was a doctoral student [1]. The post gained approximately three million hits online. This resulted in other subsequent victims coming forth with anonymous complaints about similar experiences involving Chen, many of which were all reported to the university by Luo [6] . This led to the eventual resignation of Chen after widespread attention and significant backlash. This particular incident was seen as the beginning of the #metoo movement, although feminist activist Lu Pin believes this the movement to have come in waves (eighth placeholder).
As the movement spread outside of universities and into the mainstream. One prominent case in 2018 involved an intern by the name of Zhou Xiaoxuan, nicknamed Xianzi, accusing Jun Zhu, a journalist at China Central Television (CCTV) of molesting her in a dressing room. Xianzi stated that although she had reported this encounter with the police, the case did not result in any arrests or charges. The subsequent rise of the MeToo movement in China in 2018 influenced her decision to have authorities reopen the case, which resulted in a court hearing against the accused on December 2, 2020. This case has since been dismissed due to lack of evidence (ninth placeholder).
A 1998 case involved a student, Gao Yan, accusing her professor, Shen Yang, of rape. She had committed suicide shortly after. The popularity of the #MeToo movement influenced Gao’s friends to post remembrances online. In 2018, Yue Xin, a female student at Peking University in Beijing where Gao had attended, shared a letter online talking about the university’s alleged warning towards her about this case led to the censorship of her letter and name off of social media in China, although some students continued sharing the letter through Bitcoin transactions to evade online censors (tenth placeholder).
Another case involved a Sun Yat-sen University professor by the name of Zhang Peng after four students and a fellow professor made complaints against his behavior to the administration. This led to an investigation that later stripped Zhang of his teaching role and awards (https://journals.library.cornell.edu/index.php/tcd/article/view/581/577). In a separate incident, a number of nuns had accused Xue Cheng, Longquan Monastery abbot, of harassment at a Buddhist learning center in Beijing [3].
Reactions
Legislative Response
In November of 2018, the Ministry of Education put down regulations over teachers’ behaviors prohibiting any type of inappropriate relationship with students. On August 27, 2018, the National People’s Congress submitted a proposal that would allow victims to bear civil liability and pressure employers into reporting and stopping any type of sexual harassment in the workplace. Although state reaction seemed to have supported anti-harassment, they were hindered by Chinese censors online [1].
International Reactions
Ethical Concerns
Government Censorship
According to Merriam-Webster, censorship is described as the institution, system or practice of censoring, often to suppress or delete particular kinds of content (eleventh placeholder). There have been growing concerns over China’s state censorship on internet culture. The country’s restrictions on what is said online does not allow for collective action, and its effects in decreasing mobilization efforts; these censors particularly block anything that could potentially solicit social unrest [7] . Government response towards growing backlash towards high-ranking figures who were accused of sexual harassment was swift. #MeToo posts on these platforms were oftentimes deleted immediately after being posted online, with authorities warning citizens “Do not report on the relevant petition incidents” due to fears of the movement disrupting Chinese society (thirteenth placeholder). Fincher states that the #MeToo movement and subsequent digital activism represented collective action and had the potential to undermine social stability in China [4]. In one instance, a female university student told researchers Lin and Yang that after making an accusation of harassment against a professor, “university officials called me in for a very serious conversation where they said I might be collaborating with some anti-government foreign power…” [3].
Chang Jiang’s Weibo account was suspended a month after his hashtag #Iwillbeyourvoice went viral. In March 2018, Feminist Voices’s, an independent and highly influential feminist media, SinaWeibo account was shut down. Both their Weibo and WeChat accounts, a total of 250,000 followers combined, were blocked on the platforms due to “violating the related state’s policy and laws” [1]. Weibo in particular has strict rules over what netizens are allowed to express online. They can “censor, monitor, and tackle users’ behavior and information, including personal account information, tweeting content, and communicating with other users” (fourteenth placeholder). The site’s moderators have the power to edit, block, and delete content, as well as limit account activity, ban accounts, and report to authorities about user content they deem harmful. Xianzi’s account was later banned in May 2021 due to violating the rules of Weibo. The ability for users to report other users’ content also led to concerns over mass reporting victims online, resulting in the victim’s subsequent banning over these platforms (fourteenth placeholder).
Detainment and State Surveillance
There have existed cases in which feminist activism has led to the detainment of said activists. In March of 2015, a group of five women were detained for a total of 37 days after handing out stickers against sexual harassment in Beijing, Guangzhou, and Hangzhou. The arrest of the five women in question, which comprised of Li Maizi, Wei Tingting, Zheng Churan, Wu Rongrong, and Wang Man, had catapulted them into the media, and they were later dubbed the Feminist Five. Hashtags of #FreetheFive began spreading on social media internationally through Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook, leading to public outcry. Li, one of the Feminist Five, recounts her experience being interrogated while detained, including calling her a lesbian and whore, forced to scrub floors at night, and threatening her parents and her with longer jail sentences. On one occasion, Li states that a bright spotlight was shone onto her face which made it difficult to see and tear up. Although the women were later released on bail, Chinese authorities labeled them as criminal suspects for “gathering a crow to disturb public order”, a sentence which carries up to five years in jail (fifteenth placeholder). Additionally, the group was under state surveillance (thirteenth placeholder).
Accessibility of Communication Technologies in Feminist Discourse
Criticism against the use of social media to disseminate feminist ideas were largely driven by elite, middle-class people. Those who are underprivileged, such as working-class or rural women, are often left out of online feminist discourse. Despite the growing prevalence of digital technology, such as the widespread use of phones and/or computers, socioeconomic obstacles often become barriers for marginalized women to participate in such online discussion. Other constraints include heavy workloads, thus discouraging women even further, particularly those who must devote their time elsewhere [1]. There are fears that this will undermine and alienate groups of women who do not have access to digital technologies, and thus cannot advocate for their wellbeing.
Other Barriers Limiting Feminist Online Activism
Implicit barriers, such as linguistic and cultural obstacles, are said to also have an effect in limiting the spread and visibility of feminist discourse online. Khun Eng Kuah (a little about the person) states that “micro-power politics in the cyberspace often mirror and [reinforce] offline gender relations and the patriarchal social structure” (sixteenth placeholder). Additionally, online bullying towards victims and supporters has also become a concern. Although anonymity allowed users to tell their stories without offline ramifications, the anonymity of social platforms did not prevent victim blaming or shaming amongst those who accused others. China’s patriarchal structure and gender inequality reflects in the digisphere as many accused victims of man-hating and dismissed feminist ideals. Xianzi’s reveal of her identity led to attacks against her looks, while those who remain anonymous were met with comments about their true motivations. Female netizens have stated they have experienced being flamed and abused by anti-feminists online, which some have stated led to deteriorating mental health (seventeenth placeholder).
Concerns Over the Accused
The use of digital communications sparked hesitation and doubt amongst many netizens. For those who used their real names, many netizens questioned accusers of their motives against those they accused, and speculations of wanting to be famous or for revenge were spread by online users. Much of this is fueled by the rise of Internet celebrity culture and fan consumption (fourteenth placeholder). In regards to Xianzi’s case against Zhu Jun, many questioned why she did not report the accusations at the time of the alleged assault [1]. Sympathy for those accused were a growing sentiment online. One netizen wrote that “Xianzi said winning or losing is not important. She has won history and set an example. Even if Zhu Jun finally wins the lawsuit, he will probably not be able to back to the stage of CCTV, indeed regrettable.” (fourteenth placeholder). Another stated they “did not like Zhu’s hosting style in the past, but it is unfair to let him leave his job without trial of sexual harassment. His work hard to become a host of CCTV is counted as the experience of grassroots counterattack. I did not know the ins and outs of this matter after reading Liji’s article, and I felt normal people could not harass her in that kind of environment.” (fourteenth placeholder). Many of those accused of committing sexual harassment or abuse had sued those that accused them for the infringement of reputation rights. This includes Zhu Jun, who sued Xianzi for $95,000 for defamation and emotional distress, as well as her friend Xu Chao, who had reposted her essay on Weibo (ninth placeholder). Others have argued that the prominence of feminist discourse over cyberspace causes gender hostility (fourteenth). One study found that “digital feminist activism has brought about the increasing problem of misogyny online rather than social change” (fourteenth).
References
- ↑ 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 Yin, S., & Sun, Y. (2020). Intersectional digital feminism: Assessing the participation politics and impact of the MeToo movement in China. Feminist Media Studies, 21(7), 1176–1192. https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2020.1837908
- ↑ Rodino-Colocino, M. (2018). Me too, #MeToo: Countering cruelty with empathy. Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies, 15(1), 96–100. https://doi.org/10.1080/14791420.2018.1435083
- ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 Lin, Z., & Yang, L. (2019). Individual and collective empowerment: Women's voices in the #MeToo movement in China. Asian Journal of Women's Studies, 25(1), 117–131. https://doi.org/10.1080/12259276.2019.1573002
- ↑ 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 Chen, C., & Wang, X. (2020). #Metoo in China: Affordances and constraints of social media platforms. Platforms, Protests, and the Challenge of Networked Democracy, 253–269. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36525-7_14
- ↑ 容贤东. (n.d.). Full text: White Paper on the internet in China. Full Text: White paper on the Internet in China[1]- Chinadaily.com.cn. Retrieved February 11, 2022, from http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2010-06/08/content_9950198.htm
- ↑ Fan, J., & Collins, L. (2018, February 1). China's #MeToo moment. The New Yorker. Retrieved February 11, 2022, from https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/chinas-me-too-moment
- ↑ Xu, B. (2014, September 25). Media Censorship in China. Retrieved February 11, 2022, from https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/177388/Media%20Censorship%20in%20China.pdf
